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Bhaktavatsala
Dasa
In this article, Bhaktavatsala Dasa will discuss what spiritual abuse
is, why there is a need for it to be discussed, some dynamics, causes,
consequences and suggested solutions. The material in this article is based
on research into ISKCON's needs,[1]examination
of how other institutions dealt with the problem,[2]some
perspectives from the Vaisnava tradition, and solutions that synthesise
and reconcile these various approaches.
As far as possible I will speak in generic terms so as
to avoid getting caught in the issues related to specific examples or areas
of abuse. In the process of giving ISKCON Leadership and Management courses,
it became apparent that there was a need to address the issues of abuse
within the movement. In response I contacted Dhyanakunda-devi Dasi, a clinical
psychologist, and together we wrote a seminar on the subject. We delivered
it over five days at the ISKCON Convention 1999, at Radhadesh, Belgium.
Much of what I write here was delivered as part of that seminar.
What is spiritual abuse?
Our seminar was entitled 'Spiritual Abuse — Symptoms, Prevention and
Healing', and although some Vaisnavas might view the term 'spiritual abuse'
as a theological oxymoron,[3]we decided
to use it since it is an accepted term within the field of abuse counselling.
In their book, Healing Religious Addiction, the Linns (Dennis,
Sheila and Matt Linn) define spiritual abuse quite broadly as denying other's
spiritual freedom through claiming that only one's own way to God is valid
(The Linns, p. 12). Johnson and Van Vonderen are more specific: 'Spiritual
abuse is the mistreatment of a person who is in need of help, support or
greater spiritual empowerment, with the result of weakening, undermining
or decreasing that person's spiritual empowerment' (Johnson and Van Vonderen,
p. 20). For our seminar, we arrived at a working definition to fit our
own theological context:
Spiritual abuse is perpetrated when, in the name of spirituality
or spiritual authority, the individual's dignity and right to advance through
serving Krsna is violated.[4]
To help clarify the concept; some testimonies from various sources:
My bible study leader tells me that I haven't taken on the 'mantle'
as spiritual head of my home. I should be praying more, taking authority
in the Spirit — then spiritual forces wouldn't be able to attack my
family. Then my wife wouldn't be having menstrual problems and my oldest
son wouldn't be suffering from asthma. I guess their sickness is my fault.
(Johnson and Van Vonderen, p. 21)
Being forced to defend yourself on the basis of quotes from religious
books is very exhausting and discouraging. The whole process demonstrates
a lack of emotional expression.You become very afraid and guilty for feeling,
especially when those around you feel different. (VOICE, 1997, 4.3.2e)[5]
There is a common dynamic in the above examples — the person seeking
spiritual guidance, in need of information, dialogue, support, acceptance
or counsel, was made to feel that their spirituality was defective. This
can impel a person to agree with a particular belief or to feel discouraged
from asking legitimate (but potentially awkward) questions. This is the
general dynamic.
Spiritual abuse frequently occurs in conjunction with other forms of
abuse — or one could say that other forms of abuse, be they physical, psychological,
emotional, sexual or financial, when perpetrated within a spiritual community
or society, will have a spiritual component. The abuse is being backed
up by authority and power derived from a spiritual institution or teaching.
Those abused have had their boundaries beaten down, they have been shamed
out of their 'no', had their discrimination clouded by someone else's religious
agendas. Spiritual abuse does not refer to simple mistakes of judgement,
but to concerted misuse of position or power. The dynamics, causes and
consequences of spiritual abuse are relevant to all members of a spiritual
society since abuse seems to be an unavoidable reality within any society,
and spiritual abuse seems to be programmed into the process of spiritual
growth, a point that I will discuss later in this article.
Why spiritual abuse is often hidden or missed
Although the New Christian Dictionary of Ethics and Pastoral Theology
defines abuse as 'perversion / misuse of the privilege of caring for
another person', it does not list spiritual abuse in its examples of abuse
(Atkinson and Field, p. 136), even though in pastoral theology or care
it would seem to be an obvious choice. Spiritual abuse is often hidden,
overlooked or ignored because it frequently occurs in conjunction with
other abuses, and may be overshadowed by the other, more obvious forms.[6]
Thus it may happen that the spiritual component becomes minimised, although
it is often this element that provides not only the environment, but the
leverage, the platform of power, from which the abuse takes place.
We derive and define our sense of self largely in terms of our belief
system (Storr, p. 200). Challenges questioning our belief system scare
us because they threaten to shake the self-identity fundamental to our
sense of personal security. The abused are afraid of upsetting the apple
cart of their own belief system by challenging its champions (their spiritual
superiors). Abusers take advantage of their subordinates' fears, hiding
behind taboos and holy cows such as tradition, position and etiquette,
and casting aspersions on any who challenge them. 'In an abusive system,
you are told that you are "the problem" for noticing the problem. That
makes it hard to expose the abuse, even after you've left the system.'
(Johnson and Van Vonderen, p. 49)
It is important to discuss the issue of spiritual abuse because it addresses
a current need. That this need is also there in ISKCON was not only apparent
from the seminars I conducted, and the proliferation of reform movements
within or outside of the Society, but in a recent survey, Dr. E. Burke
Rochford, Jr. confirmed a general dissatisfaction about the gap between
leadership and rank-and-file. In his 'Summary of Major Findings', his first
point was: 'There is a striking lack of trust between ISKCON members and
the movement's leadership, ... there is a lack of honest open communication
between devotees.' (Rochford 1999, p. 17)
Diminished trust and dysfunctional relationships between authorities
and subordinates create an environment in which abuse can flourish. Rochford's
other findings suggest to me that spiritual abuse was responsible for a
good proportion of the 'striking lack of trust between ISKCON members and
the movement's leadership'.[7]
One of the aims of our seminar, and this article, is to help devotees
become more conscious of spiritual abuse, since acknowledgement obviously
precedes cure (Stafford and Hodgkinson, pp. 90, 93). Such seminars and
articles will increase open discussion in the areas of spirituality, morality,
ethics and the rights and responsibilities of members of the Krsna consciousness
movement. These discussions not only serve to identify the nature, symptoms
and consequences of spiritual abuse, but also begin the process of healing,
encouraging devotees to come to terms with possible negative experiences
and foster their confidence as individuals and as members of ISKCON. This
will ultimately help in making commitments to reduce abuse, within the
movement and as individuals.
About abuse dynamics
Abuse can occur in any authority structure or wherever there is an assumption
of authority[8] — between, for example;
Governing Body Commissioners (GBC, ISKCON's highest management authority)
and intermediate levels of management; adult and child; a devotee living
in a temple and one in the congregation. I have often heard devotees complaining
about spiritual abuse issues as 'the problem with ISKCON', as if such problems
were ISKCON- exclusive. Seminar participants expressed great relief to
learn that we share our problems with other religious organizations.
Based on researching problems in other institutions, reactions to our
seminars and our experiences in ISKCON, we formulated the following list
of dynamics conducive to abuse:
1. Unrealistic evaluation of spiritual acumen
a) Position/external success = spiritual advancement
2. Unrealistic expectations
a) The myth of the infallible leader
b) The myth of the totally surrendered subordinate
3. Misapplication of philosophy
a) Twisting theology or interpreting scripture to suit personal
or institutional agendas
b) Sweeping problems under the carpet of spiritual catch-phrases
4. Coercion through shame and fear
a) Shaming people into submission and/or silence
b) Criticising/humiliating anyone with a different opinion
or who notices a problem
c) Demonisation, name-calling and fear of ostracism as coercion
methods
5. Premature transcendence
a) Elitism and exclusivism as a justification for segregation
and prejudice
b) Ignoring physical, psychological, emotional or social needs
c) Encouraging renunciation far beyond a person's realisation
Although in the seminar we elaborated on this list with subcategories (Bhaktavatsala
Dasa, 1999, pp. 1,2) and discussion, for the purposes of this article I
would like to concentrate on two categories that the American Family Foundation
(AFF) found to be most important:
In our research survey of 308 former members from 101 different groups,
the highest rated group characteristic was elitism (4.86 average out of
a possible 5.0 on a 1-5 Likert scale). The second highest rated item was
that dissent was not tolerated. One can speculate that elites protect their
status by suppressing dissent and disagreement. Therefore, a group trying
to avoid spiritual abuse could practice ways of increasing awareness of
elitist feelings and ways of responding respectfully to dissenting opinions
[our emphasis]. (Langone, 1999)
We termed these two characteristics 'premature transcendence', and 'coercion
through shame and fear' respectively. Because the AFF have related
their statistics to religious groups, it would be interesting to research
more general statistics on elitism and shame as dynamics of social alienation,
to see if these sort of statistics are more widely applicable to social
structures.
Premature transcendence
Elitism is generally regarded as a defence mechanism related to underlying
feelings of inadequacy (Dixon, p. 202). Many religious traditions have
recognised it as an attitude that new converts are prone to adopt. It manifests
as a tendency to look down on or criticise others, on the basis of their
own, new-found 'superiority'. In Madhurya-kadambini, Srila Visvanatha
Cakravarti Thakura refers to this phenomenon as utsaha-mayi (Visvanatha,
1993, p. 15): 'A brahmana child, having just begun study of the
scriptures, thinks he has immediately become a learned scholar worthy of
everyone's praise. Similarly, a person just beginning devotional service
may have the audacity to think that he has mastered everything. This is
called utsaha-mayi, or filled (puffed-up) with enthusiasm.' St.
John of the Cross warns in The Dark Night of the Soul (Backhouse,
1988, p. 7):'But because beginners are imperfect they need to speak of
spiritual things in front of others, and even to teach rather than to learn,
because they are conceited. In their hearts they condemn those that do
not have the devotion they themselves want.' Time and interactions within
the world of the unconverted usually temper the zealous fervour of a new
convert; if, however, the convert disassociates himself from this world,
then that maturation process can be retarded or halted.[9]Isolated
from the rest of society, the convert is free to construct a world wherein
he is an advanced transcendentalist and all others are very fallen. Such
self-righteousness leads to elitism and exclusivism — adequate justification
for the segregation and prejudice that alienates inhabitants of the world
of the unconverted.
Living in a 'transcendental bubble', converts ('us') often condemn and
reject outsiders ('them'), including family, peers and those with necessary
expertise (medical, educational, etc.). Such attitudes may be supported
and perpetuated by pejorative jargon — a language of segregation which
becomes established and subtly influences all users. In ISKCON the word
'karmi' alludes to a non-devotee, a materialistic person. The meaning
has become extended to encompass anyone who is not a member of ISKCON (Rasamandala
Dasa, pp. 84-6), regardless of their religious or devotional inclinations.
Derivative words: karmi world, karmi job, karmi school,
karmi bread, karmi clothes — denote the materialistic, contaminated
nature of the world of non-devotees. The extremely dualistic perspective
of the new convert is also captured within the jargon: Positive examples
— devotees are not simply happy, they are 'blissful', similarly, a feast
is not delicious, it is 'ecstatic'. Negative examples — those who do not
concur with our ideology are 'demons' and 'materialists'.
In the letter quoted in the previous section, Langone hypothesises that
leaders might maintain their influence through creating such a dualistic
world-view. One could also make a case that such elitism is the result
of an unconscious defence mechanism rather than a premeditated tactic.
I would suggest individual cases of both possibilities could be found.
Whether deliberately orchestrated or naturally occurring, the process of
establishing the superiority of one's own group and focussing on an external
enemy distracts attention from perpetrators of abuse or internal organisational
problems. Creating a fearful image of life outside the transcendental bubble
keeps the sheep within the fold, and increases their dependence. On the
basis of these ends, which some (leaders or followers) may view as advantageous,
some may justify cultivating elitism as a substitute for merit.
The quest for transcendence is about going beyond the temporal world
of material imperfection, and ISKCON, as other religious groups, has the
experience of premature transcendentalists considering themselves beyond
the constraints of material requirements and ignoring physical, psychological,
emotional or social needs.
[In 1974] sannyasa [the renounced order of life] was a kind of
reward for achievement. The number of men initiated into the sannyasa-asrama
increased dramatically. A genuine desire for transcendence, often co-mingled
with an urge to acquire prestige, position and power within the institution,
had propelled most of these young men into rash and improvident heroics.
The persistence of desires they could neither acknowledge nor control started
to manifest as intolerance and fanaticism ... . As one would expect, over
the long run, many of these sannyasis found it impossible to maintain
their vows. There was a steady, even growing exodus. In most cases, an
extreme sense of disgrace and shame, amplified by the merciless condemnation
of the sannyasi community itself, propelled them into exile into
the fringe and beyond. (Ravindra Svarupa Dasa, 1994)
The history of ISKCON provides examples of various forms of self-deception
that only became evident when the compounding effects reached a critical
stage. The assumption that spiritual advancement can be measured by external
renunciation has led to some validating the acceptance of unhealthy levels
of self-deprivation in the name of transcendence.
Authorities have been known to encourage levels of renunciation
in their wards that far exceeds the subordinate's realisation (Rasa-mandala
Dasa, p. 90). Such authorities could be motivated by the prestige of having
highly renounced (thus supposedly advanced) wards, or by the fact that
renunciates are obliged to be submissive, and are cheaper to maintain in
the short-term. Wards could be motivated by the opportunity to escape their
responsibilities (of conditional devotional service[10])
on the pretext of being beyond them.[11]
Coercion through shame and fear
Once an elitist authority structure has developed, or been established,
the powers that be may feel the need to protect their elite position. This
may be achieved through shame and fear. Followers are coerced to agree,
submit, obey — in body and/or mind. It has been a popular allegation that
religious practitioners are coerced through mind control,[12]with
the terms 'brainwashing' and 'snapping' being bandied about by more extreme
accusers. Although brainwashing is rarely an issue these days,[13]many
still object to the mind control they feel is used as a tool for exploitation
within religious groups.[14] In Combating
Cult Mind Control, anti-cultist Steven Hassan defines a cult as: 'an
exclusive group that exercises negative uses of mind control, which may
be understood as a system of influences that disrupts an individual's identity
(beliefs, behaviour, thinking and emotions) and replaces it with a new
identity.' (Hassan, 1990) Hassan's idea of 'negative mind control' implies
the existence of 'positive mind control' (presumably such things as army
training, Ameri can history lessons and TV News). His definition is dependent
on his own personal judgement of what is negative and positive. Rather
than losing cognitive autonomy, as these charges of brainwashing imply,
victims of abuse are often psychologically manipulated into relinquishing
to their authority, a portion of their judgement and decision-making capacity.
Shame and fear are the abuser's main weapons of coercion. Shame is used
to belittle the abused, and make them feel that their spirituality is defective,
or that they are unworthy, stupid, unqualified or in some way inferior.
Such humiliation (in the eyes of peers, superiors or self), can undermine
self-determination and discrimination, and corner an abused person into
submission and silence. Once an authority has demonstrated the consequences
of dissent or disobedience, subordinates live in fear of punitive shaming,
public censure, stigmatisation, ostracism or demonisation.
These dynamics do not only occur in a gross Orwellian fashion; dissenters
may simply find the focus of the issue being subtly changed: 'The issue
of which you are complaining is not the problem, you are the problem.'
There is an example of a devotee who brought to the atention of one of
the temple authorities that an unmarried couple were sharing a room (contravening
the asrama rules). The authority responded: 'Well, I am wondering
how it is that as a brahmacari [celibate monk], you are so concerned
with others' marital affairs.' Which translated as, 'You are supposed to
be a celibate, but you are obviously so smitten by lust that you are absorbed
in thoughts of others' marital/sexual affairs.' In this way the devotee
found himself suddenly 'on trial' for having raised a legitimate issue.
The weapons of fear and shame can be very effective in enforcing a regime
or a social code of silence which has the short-term effect of protecting
the status quo (and thus the elite) and establishing an illusion that there
is total consensus and no problems (Ravindra Svarupa Dasa, 1996, p. 81).
In such an environment problems are only discussed as a means of finding
someone to blame so that the leadership is vindicated. Norman Dixon pointed
out the unfortunate consequences of such scapegoating:
It is a sad feature of authoritarian organisations that their nature
inevitably militates against the possibility of learning from experience
through the apportioning of blame. The reason is not hard to find. Since
authoritarianism is itself the producer of psychological defences, authoritarian
organisations are past masters of deflecting blame. They do so by denial,
by rationalisation, by making scapegoats, or by some mixture of the three.
However it is achieved, the net result is that no real admission of failure
or incompetence is made by those who are really responsible; hence nothing
can be done about preventing recurrence. (Dixon, 1994, pp. 43-4)
Such silence is comparable to a rabbit's defence mechanism of closing
its eyes when attacked. It allows problems to go unchallenged and escalate
to chronic, destructive proportions. Another consideration that prevents
discussing problems is the opinion that talking about problems will make
the movement or religion look bad in others' eyes.
An unwillingness to acknowledge or value different opinions is reflected
in the absence of a grievance procedure. This lacking subtly forbids dissent
— 'My way or the highway!' demands: 'Become a yes-man or leave.' Secrecy
and censored information flow are the allies of those unable to live up
to their own standards, who need to hide the facts and propagate a myth
of success.
Reasons for abuse
Going through the above-mentioned list of dynamics in our seminar evoked
some disturbing accounts from the devotee audience. Hearing these descriptions
caused many to wonder how these abuses could have been carried out by devotees
— spiritual seekers striving for divine consciousness? What is going wrong?
What could motivate them to such inappropriate actions? Of course the adherent
of any religion could look at internal problems (past or present) and ask
the same question. It is, in a sense, to be expected that there are problems.
The US writer James Baldwin wrote: 'The price one pays for pursuing any
profession or calling is an intimate knowledge of its ugly side.' The Bhagavad-gita
teaches that every endeavour is tainted by fault, just as every fire produces
smoke (Prabhupada, 1985, p. 832). Srila Prabhupada also warned his followers
to have realistic expectations:
People should not expect that even in the Krishna Consciousness Society
there will be Utopia. Because devotees are persons, therefore there will
always be some lacking.[15]
One thing, we can never expect to find any kind of utopia, even in the
spiritual world. Wherever there are persons there are bound to be differences,
so we should not expect any kind of perfect arrangement, especially here
in the material world.[16]
Accepting that there are always differences, and hence always problems,
does not justify the occurrence of spiritual abuse, but it helps us come
to terms with the existence of such abuse within a spiritual society. Looking
in more detail at reasons for abuse may offer clues to prevention.
Common pitfalls of spiritual life
When we asked our seminar participants for suggested reasons for spiritual
abuse, their first suggestion was 'impurity'. In Vaisnava terminology such
impurities are known as anarthas, or unwanted things in the heart.
Visvanatha Cakravarti Thakura, the great Vaisnava scholar of the 17th century,
concurred that certain dynamics and attitudes conducive to abuse arise
almost unavoidably, as if programmed into the process of spiritual growth:
... it is well known that the very nature of bhakti is to be
attractive, thus many people become attracted to the devotee, the abode
of bhakti ... . Bhakti produces much opportunity for material
gain, worship, and position (labha, puja, pratistha). These are
weeds around the creeper of bhakti. (Visvanatha, 1993, p. 17)
Next are the anarthas arising from bhakti. As many weeds
grow along with the main plant, along with bhakti appear wealth
and other facilities, worship and respect by others, and a comfortable
position and fame (labha, puja, pratistha). These weeds grow powerful
and overwhelm the devotee with their influences. (Visvanatha, 1993, p.
27)
Excessive striving for, and attainment of, fame and worship (puja)
produces elitism. Similarly, an obsession with distinction and position
(pratistha) leads to authoritarianism, and greed for material profit
(labha) leads to exploitation. Elitism, authoritarianism and exploitation
are characteristics that arise from these false motivations, or 'weeds'
in the heart (labha, puja, pratistha). According to the Thakura,
they are destructive to spiritual life, but to be expected. These three
are usually found intertwined together, and those infected may abuse others
in order to protect their image, keep funds coming in, maintain their position
in the pecking order, and build religious kingdoms to bolster their own
image of themselves as spiritualists.
Conditioning
Those who 'grew up' in an abusive environment are likely to perpetuate
the paradigm they know — today's victims become tomorrow's abusers. A collection
of similarly conditioned individuals creates a supportive corporate culture,
an environment conducive to abuse. Certain individuals carry within them
the seeds for abuse either as 'perpetrators' or 'victims' in the form of
prior circumstances or psychological disposition (Stafford, pp. 33-51).
Lack of training
It is said that poverty brings out the worst in people. Leaders thrust
into positions beyond their qualification, appointed by default or elimination,
may be poverty-stricken in terms of leadership knowledge, skills and experience.
Untrained and over-challenged, some leaders may resort to authoritarianism
to compensate for their deficient training. Authoritarianism often seems
cheap and easy, but is primitive and costly in terms of initiative, innovation
(Dixon, p. 267) and genuine commitment — it may elicit initial obedience,
out of fear of potentially adverse consequences, but the commitment is
superficial, and efforts may turn to sabotage when 'no one is looking'
or when the threat is no longer present.
A lack of spiritual training may lead to the type of premature transcendentalism
wherein aspiring spiritualists assume that their spiritual practices will
also tend to their physical, psychological, emotional or social needs (Dhyanakunda-devi
Dasi, 1999). Thus they may continue for years with unresolved personal
issues (psychological, emotional, interpersonal, etc.) thinking that external
rites alone will carry them beyond these issues.
Institutional interpretation
Some see religious organisations in general as havens for abuse (Winebrenner,
p. 26). Speaking specifically about child abuse, E. Burke Rochford, Jr.
has pronounced such abuse and religion to be mutually attractive (Rochford,
1998, p. 43). The mutual attraction between rigid religious authority structures
and certain compulsive character disorders has also been documented in
writings on religious addiction and codependence (Dhyanakunda-devi Dasi,
1999; Stafford p. 85). As Visvanatha Cakravarti Thakura and St. John of
the Cross have warned us, the path of spiritual advancement is beset with
traps, traps that can set a traveller up for spiritual abuse as a perpetrator,
victim or both. Hierarchical authority structures, absolute teachings and
requirements of submission make religious organisations particularly fertile
grounds for abuse of various descriptions, all of which will most likely
contain a component of spiritual abuse. Thus religious institutions are
intrinsically susceptible to spiritual abuse.
Persons who are prepared to take a less trodden path and commit themselves
to a high level of participation in a religious organisation often display
above-average idealism. Young idealists may also be naive, but naivety
is not confined to the young. On occasions I have encountered what I would
consider extreme naivety in individuals that hold important leadership
positions.[17]The path to hell is paved
with good intentions and well-intended assumptions about others' character
and competence. Thus those committed to a high ideal within the context
of a religious movement may find it difficult to accept that leaders within
that framework are guilty of acts that contravene that ideal.
Some unhealthy dynamics within ISKCON can be better understood if we
look at the circumstances under which the movement began and developed.
Srila Prabhupada viewed the West as a bastion of materialism, a hostile
environment (Prabhupada, 1978, p. 230). He often compared the effort to
preach in such circumstances to a military campaign.
Success or failure has no meaning for a pure devotee because he is a
soldier in the field. Preaching the cult of devotional service is something
like declaring war against materialistic life. (Prabhupada, 1987, Vol.
2, p. 473)
When the soldiers risk their lives on the battlefield, the government
is very much inclined to give them all facilities in their work, even the
citizens may be deprived of their comforts. So Krsna takes special appreciation
for His devotees who are engaged in risking for His preaching work, and
He will give you special care and guidance at all times because you are
sincerely trying to serve Him in this way. (Srila Prabhupada, quoted in
Kurma Dasa, p. 218)
He adopted a mode that he felt addressed this situation:
Srila Prabhupada's success in establishing a beachhead in the counterculture
soon produced problems within the movement ... . Srila Prabhupada had constructed
his movement out of dubious raw material. He was convinced that his efforts
were a matter of spiritual life or death, and he was animated by a sense
of extreme urgency. In a raging storm one must construct a shelter out
of whatever comes to hand. Indeed, Srila Prabhupada was well aware of the
defects of his handiwork. (Ravindra Svarupa Dasa, 1994)
Extending this often-used analogy, comparing ISKCON to a country at
war may give some insight into how certain dynamics arose and were tolerated,
accepted or rationalised. The following is a list of extraordinary measures
sometimes established during wartime.[18]
A country at war declares a state of emergency and can have:
. Authoritarian management structure — martial rule.
. Normal democratic functions (such as referendums) suspended.
. The leaders are the biggest heroes, usually veterans.
. Law and order is maintained with greater force.
. The biggest offence is treason; traitors are killed, their deaths
advertised.
. 'Us and them' mentality.
. Strong anti-foe propaganda.
. Individuals are expendable, even big leaders.
. It is normal to have casualties, suffering and amputees.
. Risky campaigns are undertaken, opportunities for instant glory.
. Victories are exaggerated.
. Failures are covered up and minimised.
. Everyone is a soldier; others who stay back are cowards.
. Training means the smashing of independent spirit and enforcing a
state of self-alienation.
. Promotion happens quickly.
. Education, culture and arts are stifled.
. Social development is stifled.
. There are many austerities imposed upon the citizens, who do not protest.
. Women and children are working in munitions factories etc.
. Normal industrial worker's rights are curtailed.
According to this interpretation of the movement's history (whether
or not it is justifiable), Srila Prabhupada established ISKCON in an emergency
mode. The movement's interpretation of that mode resulted in the instigation
and enforcement of many of the above tactics, notably in the 1970s and
early 1980s. Abuses carried out in the name of expediency or pragmatic
preaching strategies are at least understandable from the perspective of
a country at war. But as with any war there are casualties, and ISKCON
has had its fair share in the form of devotees who left feeling disgruntled
and alienated. (Rasa-mandala Dasa, pp. 85-6)
Consequences of the resulting alienation
Alienation is an emotional state with which most are familiar and try
to avoid. Humans are social animals and are especially gregarious when
it comes to religion. The sense of belonging that comes through acceptance
by a group provides psychological and emotional security. To feel rejected
by social peers is traumatic and when coupled with excommunication, an
alienated reject may feel forsaken by God as well. Abusers take advantage
of people's natural fear of alienation — through this fear those who are
abused are compelled to obey and conform, at risk of being ostracised.
Being banished can take two forms, the non-conformists can be officially
cast out, or simply made to feel like outcastes to the point where they
leave of their own accord. The second variant is more common in ISKCON.
Non-conformists may be labelled rebels or 'fringies' (those on the fringe
of spiritual life; Ravindra Svarupa Dasa, 1994), and their rebellion against
the authorities seen as an expression of the original rebellion against
Krsna that landed them in the material world. The Vaisnava scriptures recommend
avoiding the association of materially minded people (Prabhupada, 1975,
p.13). Stigmatised as antagonists, outcastes will soon feel alienated and
antagonistic. (Ravindra Svarupa Dasa, 1994)
Rejection and alienation generally evoke two kinds of emotions: those
directed towards oneself (emotions related to a loss of self-esteem, for
example, inadequacy and humiliation), and emotions (such as resentment
and anger) directed towards those perceived to be causing the alienation.
Initial enthusiasm, naive submission or a psychological predisposition
on the part of the abused (Oaks 1997; p. 124, Dhyanakunda-devi Dasi, 1999)
may pave the way for abuse (possibly evoking feelings from the first set
of emotions), but if abuse is ongoing, then the abused may be pushed over
the tolerance threshold, and come under the sway of the second set of emotions.
These emotions will most likely be translated into actions such as the
abused disassociating from the institution.
Some victims will not want to associate with anyone representing religion
or spirituality — 'A cat that sits on a hot stove lid won't ever sit on
a hot stove lid again. But it probably won't sit on a cold stove lid either'
(Mark Twain). People generally seek out like-minded company, and we have
seen that those 'burnt' by mistreatment within ISKCON often find other
such victims with whom to commiserate, expostulate and agitate. Well trained
in finding a philosophical explanation (or justification) for everything
(in preference to acknowledging the emotional issues), such congregations
may come up with philosophical explanations for their enmity towards the
movement that they felt betrayed their trust. I am not claiming that everyone
who ever left ISKCON feeling disgruntled is a victim of abuse, but some
certainly were.
Presently a number of former ISKCON members are attacking the movement
in the name of some philosophical alternative. There are groups and individuals
pushing for reform, others have made the total destruction of ISKCON a
major agenda in their lives — publishing sensational books, proliferating
angry papers and setting up vindictive web-sites. I am not claiming that
all antagonistic, ISKCON-derived splinter groups are simply assemblages
of individuals reacting to the abuses they suffered in the movement, projecting
the problem on the entire institution. The purpose of this article is not
to discuss the legitimacy of the various grievances, but the nature and
sheer volume of grievances would suggest that there are legitimate grievances
at the institutional level. It is my observation that there are groups
or individuals whose, ostensibly philosophical, complaints reveal so much
emotion that it seems as if the real solution lies in counselling and reconciliation
rather than philosophical debate.
By what some would describe as a sacrificing of individual care for
institutional needs (Rochford, 1999, p. 17), ISKCON has created a significant
force working towards the disruption or fragmentation of the institution.
Canakya Pandita, the pre-Christian Indian political expert, warned of this
social mechanism:
By the destruction of the welfare and security of the people due to
the negligence and laziness of the ruler, impoverishment, avarice, and
discontent are produced in the people. Impoverished people become avaricious,
and avaricious people become discontented. Discontented people go over
to the enemy or destroy the ruler themselves. (Artha-sastra 144-7,
in Subramanian, p. 167)
Apart from spiritual consequences,[19]
spiritual abuse sets off a chain reaction of many obvious negative repercussions.
It results in short- and long-term suffering for the victim as well as
crippled spiritual, social, institutional and personal growth. It also
frustrates and undermines efforts to bring new people into contact with
Krsna consciousness, gives fuel to our adversaries and creates new enemies.
Solutions
Having looked at the dynamics, causes and consequences of spiritual
abuse, I would like to return to the causes we mentioned, and suggest some
solutions.
Institutional interpretation
Comparing the movement's beginnings to a country under martial law gave
insight into some of the attitudes and circumstances that allowed dynamics
conducive to abuse to develop within ISKCON. It might be useful for members
of ISKCON to examine current modes of activity in the light of this analogy
and identify areas where things are still managed as in a country at war.
For this purpose it would be of value to put Srila Prabhupada's instructions
within a historical framework, identifying which are appropriate for war
mode and which for peace. In order to do this properly, ISKCON needs to
write and study its own history, otherwise the context and significance
of Srila Prabhupada's various instructions will be lost (Hopkins, p. 6).
Lack of Training
Systematic education will go a long way to counteracting spiritual abuse
caused by naivety, over-idealism and a lack of training. Sefton Davies
recommended in his article on ISKCON management: 'Where officers are not
performing as required ... training is needed and ISKCON needs to establish
orderly procedures for this' (Davies, p. 22). Leaders need to be equipped
with knowledge, skills and values so that they can utilise legitimate forms
of authority rather than subtle or gross forms of coercion. The establishment
of standardised accreditation for leadership qualifications will help establish
a leadership ethos that will inhibit abuse. Increasing competence will
reduce reliance on authority based on elitism rather than merit, or, as
Srila Prabhupada put it, 'Impressive, not repressive, that is the system
... .'[20]
As mentioned above, the issue of spiritual abuse is already the subject
of a seminar. It is also incorporated into ISKCON Leadership and Management
training, and will be part of the Ministerial Studies Course currently
under development. Dhyanakunda-devi Dasi is currently writing a book on
self-help and counselling, specifically aimed at addressing the needs of
devotees.
Conditioning
As mentioned, today's victims become tomorrow's abusers, but breaking
the cycle of abuse from individual to individual is a task that cannot
be tackled by legislation and education alone. Individual counselling and
reconciliation is being taken up within ISKCON, mainly for victims of child
abuse.[21] Recognising and addressing
cases of spiritual abuse would help leaders and followers trapped within
the vicious cycle raise awareness and decrease the likelihood of recurrence.
Introducing more thorough enrolment or admission procedures into ISKCON
asramas would help identify persons with existing, unresolved emotional,
social or psychological issues that predispose them to abuse (as either
abuser or abused). It needs to be made clear to people moving into the
asramas what they can expect in terms of facilities, apart from
those necessary for their spiritual education. The time frame and conditions
of their stay need to be defined, too, so that the asrama is not
exploited by those simply hoping to shirk responsibilities. Leaders should
know whereto to refer people experiencing disruptive emotional, social
or psychological difficulties. Leadership duties need to be properly defined,
and there need to be appropriate screening procedures for positions of
responsibility.
Common pitfalls in spiritual life (elitism)
The main characteristic we looked at in our seminars was elitism leading
to a lack of trust and honest open communication between ISKCON members
and the movement's leadership. Traditionally, old cultures had institutions
especially designed to protect leaders from elitist feelings. Kings often
kept jesters — the only persons allowed to openly criticise and ridicule
them. In Roman times, when a commander led a victory procession through
Rome, amidst the adulation and cheering crowds, he would have a servant
on his chariot whisper into his ear: 'Remember, man, that thou art mortal.'
Both leaders and followers need to be reminded that they are mere mortals,
and cultivate an attitude of mutual appreciation for spiritual achievements
as well as human vulnerability. Lauding other devotees for their supposed
infallibility, mystic powers, divine descent etc., is a precursor for abuse,
as is setting leaders far above others through allocation of exalted rank
or extraordinary privileges. A true leader is not reliant on such trappings:
In the life of the cloister ... there are still to be found age-old
rituals governing the etiquette of superiors, involving demands of respect
from subjects, secretiveness, manifestations of superiority, appeals of
superiors to a higher wisdom, displays of condescension, etc. All this
should gradually be permitted to wither away. Superiors should cast a long
and quiet glance at the world around them: those who are truly powerful
and influential, who receive a great deal of unquestioning obedience, place
no value on ceremonial of this sort. (Rahner, pp. 202-3)
Gaudiya Vaisnavism places great importance on humility. It is one of
the twenty-six distinguishing qualities of a devotee. One of six essential
tenets of the Gaudiya tradition recommends that one should be 'in a humble
state of mind, thinking oneself lower than a straw in the street; one should
be more tolerant than a tree, devoid of all sense of false prestige and
should be ready to offer all respects to others' (Prabhupada, 1989, Canto
6, p. 195). It is also said that a devotee counts himself as the least
of all entities (Sarasvati, 1987, p. 284) and that the idea that he should
be the master of other devotees leads to hell (Sarasvati, 1989, p. 286).
These attitudes, conducive with graciously accepting honest appraisal,
are considered signs of spiritual advancement.
Excessive praise and no exposure to critical feedback are proven ways
to make even the best leader lose contact with reality and ultimately falter.
If the message from the followers is not just 'You have not made any mistakes'
but 'You cannot possibly make any mistakes.' then it is not surprising
that such leaders lose touch with the world around them. Many, if not most
pastors receive messages from their congregation that signal: 'Because
you're the pastor, you need to look good, never struggle, always know the
answer, and never be wrong.' To succumb to those 'false needs' is to let
yourself become trapped in a double life and double talk ... . When image
is everything, when 'how things look' is what matters, spiritual abuse
is the next step, because you cannot help but demand performance from others
when you are working so hard yourself. (Johnson, Van Vonderen, pp. 128,
133)
Abuse comes as the logical consequence of followers having unrealistic
expectations of the leaders and failing to offer them adequate feedback.
ISKCON needs to develop and systemise its culture of feedback — through
learning how to better offer, accept and act upon helpful, respectful critical
feedback. The Vedic literature provides evidence that even the greatest
of kings accepted feedback from the lowliest of subjects.[22]
Scriptural aphorisms and moral teachings confirm the importance of feedback:
Canakya-sutra 557-8: Inaccessible rulers destroy the people.
Very accessible rulers please the people. (Subramanian, p. 84)
Artha-sastra 34: An inaccessible ruler is made to do the opposite
of what ought or ought not to be done by those surrounding him. (Subramanian,
p. 148)
Artha-sastra 217: No one should be disrespected. Everyone's opinion
should be heard. The wise one should utilise even a child's sensible words.
(Subramanian, p. 178)
Most corporations have systems in place to ensure that their executives
receive regular assessment and feedback on the performance of their responsibilities.
This may consist of written and/or verbal feedback between peers, as well
as between higher and lower levels of the managerial hierarchy. Such appraisal
can only be really meaningful if responsibilities are defined, becoming
dependent on precise job descriptions (as mentioned earlier). Feedback
allows workers to derive satisfaction and validation for what they have
done well, and obtain constructive suggestions on how to improve. A functioning
grievance procedure providing neutral, confidential arbitration is also
an essential part of any organisation.
Some companies conduct a leaving interview wherein persons leaving the
company, under whatever circumstances, are interviewed and asked their
honest opinion of what is right or wrong with the company. This not only
gives the employer the chance to hear what is really on the mind of the
departing worker, but it gives the workers a chance to get things off their
chest, and feel that they've been heard. Regular, formal assessment will
help prepare devotees for non-formal types of feedback that goes beyond
execution of duty.
Considering that not a blade of grass moves without the sanction of
the Lord, devotees should also learn how to accept and evaluate feedback
that does not appear helpful or respectful — appreciating that Krsna sanctioned
the feedback. In a society free of subtle or gross recriminations for honest
feedback, truth, justice and spiritual growth will hopefully prevail.
Concluding thoughts
Some accuse religions of demanding unquestioning obedience. It was reassuring
to see the degree to which the Vaisnava tradition stresses critical questioning
and self-enquiry and shuns blind following. I feel sure that further research
in this field would yield insights that could prove valuable in avoiding
some of the unhealthy dynamics described in this article.
Looking at spiritual abuse within ISKCON has sometimes been disconcerting.
But it was very encouraging, as well as ironic, that the amount of openness
and support I received throughout (institutionally as well as from individual
devotees) almost belied the subject matter. There was no wall of silence,
and the devotees were willing to discuss the subject; however, there was
an uncomfortable feeling that they and ISKCON were being challenged. I
was reminded of the work of the physicist Ilya Prigogine, who won a Nobel
prize for his theory of 'dissipative structures', part of which contends
that friction is a fundamental property of nature and nothing grows without
it, neither mountains, pearls nor people. He saw the quality of fragility,
the capacity to fail, as an essential prerequisite to growth. Structures
at any level — molecular, physical, psychological, social or institutional
— that are insulated from disturbance are also insulated from change and
thus doomed to stagnation. Or, in sporting terms — no pain, no gain. ISKCON
is fighting to continue despite many setbacks.
I see many individuals and departments within and associated with the
movement, pushing for positive change. Although, as always, there are those
who resist change, it seems to me that they are outnumbered by devotees
enthusiastically embracing reform.
We cannot change what has happened, but we can decide how we react to
it. As instances of abuse within ISKCON come to light, some react by distancing
themselves from an institution that they see as having (unwittingly) nurtured
abuse and abusers. To blame an institution such as ISKCON seems to ignore
the fact that it is made up of volunteers, who have, consciously or not,
willingly or not, participated in mistreatment and thus share some responsibility.
Taking responsibility for participation on whatever level enables devotees
to take a serious look at the mistakes; otherwise they may not get beyond
finger-pointing and laying blame. Bhaktivinode Thakura suggests that rather
than abandoning the present structure, we should aim at righting the wrongs:
'Begin anew', says the critic, 'because the old masonry does not answer
at present. Let the old author be buried because his time is gone.' These
are shallow expressions. Progress certainly is the law of nature and there
must be corrections and developments with the progress of time. But progress
means going further or rising higher.[23]
Anyone who interacts with ISKCON as a community of devotees rather than
a faceless institution will have the opportunity to contribute to the growth
that comes from addressing past mistakes. In our seminars we have found
devotees more than willing to commit to change — which gives us ample reason
for optimism.
Notes
[1]Our assessments of ISKCON's needs were based on:
Dhyanakunda-devi Dasi — through her counselling of devotees, and experience
as a GBC Deputy; Bhaktavatsala Dasa — through experiences as a GBC management
assistant and executive secretary to the Chairman of the GBC Executive
Committee; general exchanges; and the Leadership and Management seminar.
We also drew on the findings of the Prabhupada Centennial Survey, conducted
by E. Burke Rochford, Jr. (see ICJ Vol. 7, No. 1).
Back
[2] This mainly entailed reading books from Christian
perspectives (see bibliography).
Back
[3]Since, according to Vaisnava theology, something
defined as spiritual is something pertaining to the flawless nature of
God, something within the realm of divine love cannot be exploitative or
abusive. (See also Dhyanakunda-devi Dasi, 1999)
Back
[4]This working definition is in the context of the
theological understanding that spiritual advancement is a product of sincere
loving service to God, Krsna.
Back
[5]Further examples: 'Quite a number of us wanted more
information about how the church finances were being spent. We wanted to
know if more money could go into direct ministries, benevolence, things
like that. When I asked some questions at the elders' meeting - boy did
the room get icy. Later I was told to stop trying to create a faction in
the church.' (Johnson and VanVonderen, p. 21)
'Our church has gotten into this heavy emphasis on home schooling and
having big families. Also on women wearing head coverings to show they're
in submission — and no makeup. Eventually it came out. Our best friend
told us we weren't spiritual because our kid is in public school, and I'm
"of the world" because I wear eyeshadow and lipstick.' (Johnson and VanVonderen,
pp. 21-2)
'I remember my dad telling me he loved me, and even though [from his
spiritual authorities] he knew it was maya he couldn't help himself.'
(VOICE, 1997, 3.8)
Back
[6]This observation was corroborated by a devotee who
was participating in a workshop for abused women. She told me that although
her workshop dealt with physical, psychological, emotional, sexual and
financial abuse, she felt that in her case the issue of spiritual abuse
was central and needed addressing.
Back
[7]'It is clear that many ISKCON members (temple devotees,
congregational members) and former members alike place minimal trust in
ISKCON's leadership. Child abuse, the mistreatment and abuse of women,
the neglect of householders, guru scandals, etc., all have eroded the trust
that binds devotees to Prabhupada's movement.' (Rochford 1999, p. 22)
Back
[8]There is a vying for, or an assumption or attributing
of authority to some degree within most personal interactions. (Pennington,
1999, 202)
Back
[9] One of the reasons Srila Prabhupada wanted all
members of ISKCON to preach.
Back
[10] The Vaisnava tradition teaches that looking after
one's own (and one's dependant's) material needs is a form of bhakti
(devotional service) and not simply an activity of illusion (maya).
'When a living entity is conditioned, he has two kinds of activities: one
is conditional, and the other is constitutional. As for protecting the
body or abiding by the rules of society and state, certainly there are
different activities, even for the devotees, in connection with the conditional
life, and such activities are called conditional. Besides these, the living
entity who is fully conscious of his spiritual nature and is engaged in
Krsna consciousness, or the devotional service of the Lord, has activities
which are called transcendental. Such activities are [ ]performed in his
constitutional position, and they are technically called devotional service.
Now, in the conditioned state, sometimes devotional service and the conditional
service in relation to the body will parallel one another. But then again,
sometimes these activities become opposed to one another. As far as possible,
a devotee is very cautious so that he does not do anything that could disrupt
his wholesome condition.' (Prabhupada, 1985, p. 449)
Back
[11]In ISKCON's early history, there were cases of
young married men giving up married life to become renounced sannyasi
preachers (which meant travelling the world as an ISKCON VIP and preaching,
rather than getting a job to support a wife and children).
Unfortunately most of them later married again (Ravindra Svarupa Dasa,
1994), showing that they had never really transcended the attachments to
married life.
Back
[12]Not only so-called cults stand accused. Practices
common to most religions, such as chanting, praying and fasting, are all
considered by some to be dubious and methods of mind-control, hypnosis
or auto-suggestion. On this pretext, Marx called religion 'the opiate of
the masses.'
Back
[13]Academics have refuted brainwashing allegations.
(Richardson, p. 75)
Back
[14] This is ironic since devotees of Krsna will be
the first to admit that mind control is an important issue — Krsna mentions
in the Bhagavad-gita, 'For one who has conquered the mind, the Supersoul
is already reached' (Bhagavad-gita 6.7). Of course, the yogic concept
is that one should learn to control one's own mind, not have it controlled
by another.
Back
[15] Letter from Srila Prabhupada to Atreya Rsi Dasa,
4 February 1972. (Prabhupada, 1998)
Back
[16] Letter from Srila Prabhupada to Jayarge, Lindon
Linese, 25 May 1972. (Prabhupada, 1998)
Back
[17] For example, a newly appointed co-GBC representative
was asking me what I thought of some new reforms that had been legislated.
I replied that the reforms might be wonderful, but I was curious as to
how such reforms were to be implemented in a movement that is more or less
a confederation of highly autonomous communities. I explained that there
is a whole science known as change management, and that international corporations
go to great lengths to develop change strategies, and still sometimes fail
since people naturally oppose change. Without even acknowledging that there
might be a need for something like an implementation plan, the devotee
became disgusted with my 'negativity', assuring me that we should all just
pray that the desired change comes about and telling me that these materialistic
ideas from outside don't apply to devotees.
Back
[18] Private letter by Guruttama Dasa to the author,
18 September 1998.
Back
[19] According to Vaisnava theology, vaisnava-aparadha
(offending Vaisnavas) is considered the 'mad elephant offence', and will
destroy spiritual life just as a mad elephant will destroy a garden. This
is usually referred to in an individual context, but is also applicable
to groups who share responsibility for the offensive act.
Back
[20] Letter from Srila Prabhupada, 13 February 1972
(Prabhupada, 1998).
Back
[21] Under the auspices of the ISKCON Child Protection
Office (See also Bharata-srestha Dasa, pp. 71-6).
Back
[22] When King Yayati broke tradition and bequeathed
his kingdom to his youngest son, Puru, members of the four social
divisions respectfully aproached him and challenged his decision (Mahabharata).
Before installing his beloved son Dhruva on the throne of the empire
of the world, King Uttanapada consulted his ministerial officers, considered
the opinion of the public, and also personally examined Dhruva's character.
(Prabhupada 1987, 4.1)
Back
[23] Bhaktivinoda Thakura, The Bhagavata. Although
Bhaktivinoda Thakura was referring to scriptural tradition, scripture is
an important facet of the religious institutional tradition.
Back
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